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Discussion about Social Protection for Workers in the Informal Economy
San Jose, Costa Rica, August 19th, 2003
WIEGO and Fundacion Acceso
Summary
This document summarizes the discussion about Social Protection for Workers in the
Informal Economy that took place in San Jose, Costa Rica. The meeting took place on
August 19th, 2003, at the premises of Fundacion Acceso.
1. Background
The WIEGO coalition requested Fundacion Acceso to organize this event to discuss the
Framework that Frances Lund, Director of the WIEGO Social Protection Program, had
written about this theme. The Framework, and a series of questions to be discussed at the
meeting, were circulated to participants in advance.
2. Participants
Representatives of academia, NGOs, Government institutions and workers were invited
to the meeting. There were X number of participants at the event, representing the named
four sectors. The list of participants at the meeting follows:
Copy here the list
3. Program
The Program of the meeting can be found in the Anexes of this document.
4. Welcome
The meeting was open with a Welcome greeting of Fundación Acceso, given by Dr.
Juliana Martinez. A bief round of introductions of all the participants followed.
5. Presentation of the WIEGO Framework
Dr. Frances Lund delivered a presentation about the WIEGO approach to the theme. The
presentation document is available in a separate document, which is attached in Power
Point.
6. Commentaries to the Framework
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Dr. Juliana Martinez, Civil Society and Public Policies Program of Fundacion Acceso,
and Eva Carazo, Mesa Nacional Campesina, commented the Framework under discussion
and centered it in the current Costa Rican reality. Both commentaries are included in the
Annexes to this document.
7. General Reactions to the Framework
Participants provided reactions to what had been presented up to this point, and to the
Framework in general. Comments covered the following aspects:
Rural Informality
It is necessary to have information about rural informality. Efforts have been made to
characterize the urban informal sector, but the rural/peasant one is missing. At the
Ministry of Labor, the rural informal sector was approximated by data on “own-account”
and “non-remunerated” workers, or by the size of the land exploited. However, nowadays
small units of high efficiency exist.
Support from FAO could be available to do a rural census, they have supported work
with alternative systems of production. The State policy is to serve this population via
projects of organizations for production, in which the social burdens are built, but the
agricultural workers (peasants) themselves are not aware of that.
There were comments about the difficulty to deliver information about the system of
voluntary affiliation to the rural population. In one occasion, the affiliation was measured
right after a large information campaign, but no changes in affiliation were found.
Coordinated Work between IMAS, INAMU, CCSS
These institutions should coordinate their programs of work. It is a challenge for the
CCSS (Costarican Social Security System) to do it, but this would grant it more reach of
the population.
Differences in definitions of the term informality
The need to homogenize the definitions and approximations used by different researchers
to identify the informal sector was mentioned. The Ministry of Labor uses the
methodology of researcher Juan Diego Trejos. This refers to non-agricultural enterprises
of low-productivity, subsistence, simple accumulation and expanded accumulation.
Need to make the system more flexible to expand coverage
It was noted that out of a million and a half of working people in Costa Rica, only 50%
contribute to pensions, while 70% contribute to health. Out of 712,000 workers in the
category of non-remunerated, 85% are women, who are categorized in a series of
situations that were catalogued in the middle of the last century with a concept of nuclear
family.
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Collective Affiliation
Only 2% of the coverage of the social security is accessed through collective or group
agreements.
8. Discussion of Questions Attached to the Framework
After these initial comments, each of the points listed in the Annex to the Framework,
which was given out at this session (in a modified version of what was circulated in
advance), were discussed.
I – Government and the Informal Economy
•
Government is leaving aside consideration to the impact of policies, especially
those regarding free trade. External trade is promoted, without noticing the impact
on the domestic economy.
•
The model of commercial openness has been excluding at the social level, social
programs cannot cope with the consequences of that exclusion. Informality is seen
as a problem, not as an effect of the economic model.
•
There were policies to promote Small and Micro Enterprises, but not through
sustained efforts. In Costa Rica, 80% of enterprises are SMEs, directed towards
the domestic market, but they are inserted in an economic model of commercial
openness, and therefore they compete with external products at a disadvantage.
•
There is no sectoral vision at Government. There is a need to integrate social
security, clean production, labor themes, natural resources, social issues and
social policies. There has to be a political, social, productive and economic
integration.
•
Policies at the Municipal level are not so important in Costa Rica, the process of
“Municipalization” is still incipient. The “problem” of street vending is
considered a problem of the Municipality of San Jose. There is a strong stereotype
about theft and insecurity related to street vendors.
•
The inclusion of the national education policy in this discussion should be
considered. Obtention of a degree does not mean obtention of employment. The
training that women receive of technical level limit their access to marginal jobs.
There is also school desertion due to the need to work.
•
There are explicit and implicit policies towards the informal sector: the lack of
policy is in itself a kind of policy.
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II.- Informal Workers and Access to Social Protection
•
A qualitiative exploration about what informal workers desire and about what
they understand they have access to, is necessary, to understand what lies behind
the statistics. This, for individuals and for family groups, it could maybe be done
through case studies.
•
The trade union CMTC affiliates people from the informal sector, including street
vendors who do not have an employer. It is easier to organize those who do not
have an employer.
•
The Law Project about Domestic Workers was mentioned. A kind of home
insurance was also noted, one that covers the “risks” of work of those who work
for a household, for example maids, drivers, gardeners, etc. It does not have a
redistributive principle, but it is creative as a mechanism.
•
More dissemination of information about what one can access is necessary. In
general, there is no awareness of the possibilities of coverage that exist.
III. Organization and Representation of Informal Workers
•
It is necessary to map the organization and representation and those who are left
outside. Identify the organized population and those who do not fit in any
category. The issue of migrant workers was mentioned here, but it is discussed in
detail under point VI. The need to map the organization of rural workers was also
raised.
•
Organization among certain kinds of informal workers is difficult, for example
among banana workers (“bananeros”) and “maquila” workers. Repression is
strong and does not allow the organization of formal workers either.
•
It was noted that women organize themselves as “women” and not as “workers”,
in the context of mentioning the organization “of women of the North”. Three
years ago, a mapping exercise of women organizations was conducted, there were
400 organizations, not necessarily formal.
IV. Civil Society
•
Some NGOs were mentioned. Alforja, works in the Northern area of the country,
with 800 women, the poorer “cantons” (provinces) of the country, they aim at
representation of women. ASEPROLA and Foro Emaus, they involve technical
and political support. Fundación Arias, works on the access of women to land..
ASTRADOMES, organization of domestic workers, mostly migrant, they have
been working for 12 years on a law project to regulate the 12 hours of work that
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they have, and the only half day of rest in a week. The NGO does not represent
the people that it supports, but frequently ends up taking voice for them.
•
Given the non existence of organizations of informal workers, in several
occasions the trade union organization takes on the role of political incidence. The
example of “Tercera Republica” (Third Republic) was mentioned, an instance that
brings together the Mesa Nacional Campesina, Trade Unions, Cooperatives and
Export Chambers.
•
The political incidence done from trade unions is relevant for the defense of
public institutions.
•
It is necessary to map organized workers and the organizations that support them.
•
It was mentioned that 948 groups exist in Costa Rica, 200 are women and
women/men organizations. Information can be channeled to those groups.
V. Labor Regulation
•
There are no readings or tracking of compliance of labor regulations.
•
There is a need to work with incentives for compliance and sanctions for the lack
of it, “carrots and sticks”.
•
Labor inspections are in charge of solving worker demands, but they take too long
to resolve them.
•
It is currently being discussed in Costa Rica. How to generate a national system of
promotion of “clean production”, that is, production that includes implicit labor
and environmental standards.
•
With regards to excluded sectors, it was mentioned that large numbers of workers
are working in 12 hour days, within an illegal regime.
•
Within labor regulation, the most violated right is that of breastfeeding time after
maternity.
•
Women represent an excluded sector. The services sector represents 62% of GDP,
42% of women work in that sector. It is less expensive to contract a service than
to hire an employee to perform that service.
•
Some factories impose the transnationalization of their labor practices, stepping
over the Costarican norms and practices. It is said that half of workers earn less
than the minimum wage, but no figures are available to prove that.
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•
It is not enough to say that more compliance with regulation is needed, we should
try another way, and that new way could be “clean production”.
VI. The position of Migrant Workers
Research conducted at FLACSO and at the University of Costa Rica was mentioned as
worth reviewing. The names of Abelardo Morales, Alan Monge, Carlos Sandoval and
Alberto Cortez were mentioned. Their work covers the networks of migrants that have
been established. They also study the cost of health services to migrants. The more recent
studies mention that the majority of migrants go to Costa Rica seasonally, to work.
Pause for Lunch
9. Creation of a Network in Costa Rica
After lunch, Frances Lund commented the idea of creating a network in Costa Rica that
would include all the participants at the meeting plus those who were invited but could
not attend, and others who were mentioned during the discussion. The network would
focus on the theme of social protection for workers in the informal economy, based on
the issues discussed at this meeting. It was proposed that Fundacion Acceso worked as
the main contact and that an electronic list be established to exchange news and
information. Participants agreed to this suggestion.
10. Research Priorities
In the last session, participants presented their preferences in terms of research priorities
to follow up this discussion and to fill the gaps of information that were identified. The
following priorities were mentioned:
•
Diagnosis and measure of the phenomenon of informality and its composition,
including data disaggregated by sex and by rural/urban.
•
Deepen the understanding of rural informal work and migrants’ work.
•
Mapping and identification of organizations of informal workers, their
representation and the NGOs that support them.
•
Identify how to improve the access to social protection of informal workers
•
Take advantage of the political and policy momentum with regards to proposing
alternatives for the universalization of social security for independent workers.
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Explore options for individual and collective affiliation, document experiences of
these two kinds of affiliations.
•
Explore posible incentives and sanctions (“carrots and sticks”) for compliance
with existing labor regulations.
•
Consider in the policy proposals aspects of: women decision-making power for
having access to social security, information campaigns that promote direct
affiliation/insurance, and processes of organizational empowerment.
•
Understand the framework of policies around the informal economy, the public
and private institutions that support the informal sector, the existing policies and
potential policies.
•
Explore the links between social policy and productive/economic policy.
•
Measure the impact of the informal economy in the Costarican economy.
•
Work with the Household Survey so that it provides more information about
informal work. Explore the inclusion of information about the characteristics of
the enterprise (“establecimiento”, more related to place of work than to enterprise,
the characteristics of the locale, or premise). Additionally, there are two questions
in the Survey that are not processed at present and that could give information
about the work of women and informal work.
•
The research to be conducted should involve other actors and should be applied
research to have policy incidence.
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Anexos
I. Comentario de Eva Carazo, Mesa Nacional Campesina, al Marco sobre
Protección Social para Trabajadores de la Economia Informal de Frances Lund
Algunas ideas a partir del documento
“Marco para un análisis comparativo de la protección social para trabajadores de
la economía informal”
informal”
(Francie Lund/WIEGO)
o Participación en WIEGO de organismos de base de trabajadores
informales es muy positivo, sectores campesinos han reclamado siempre
que su realidad es vista desde afuera y validada a partir de la intervención
de expertos, muchas veces han sido los grandes ausentes en el análisis y
la decisión sobre su propia realidad, y la presencia de los propios
sectores informales en el abordaje de su situación en cuanto a protección
social, no como actores únicos pero sí como participantes, permite una
apropiación y cercanía de los procesos y además un refuerzo a su
identidad como actores sociales y una potenciación de la capacidad de
establecer alianzas y redes con otros sectores. Es necesario también
considerar los costos de esta participación y facilitarla.
o En el campo, la economía informal no ha sido nunca un fenómeno atípico
o pasajero, ha sido por mucho tiempo la base de la estructura productiva,
que a su vez ha sido fundamental para la vida económica nacional, y la
economía campesina es fundamentalmente informal en tanto se compone
en
su
mayoría
de
prácticas
productivas
independientes
(autoempleo/subsistencia-intercambio local), con base en el trabajo
familiar, y que no están registradas como empresas y no necesariamente
están integradas a sistemas formales de protección social. Sin embargo,
la economía campesina ha significado una contribución económica a la
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vida nacional, y es también una actividad productiva estable de sustento
de las familias campesinas e intercambio de bienes y servicios en
espacios rurales, un núcleo de vida económica pero además cultural y
social, que genera una identidad y además permite la subsistencia,
autoempleo, trabajo familiar y comunal, desarrollo económico, prácticas
culturales, y un conocimiento valioso con respecto a la alimentación, las
plantas y los recursos naturales en general.
o La característica de ruralidad es un determinante generalmente poco
abordado y que sin embargo marca de formal radical el acceso a una
serie de bienes y servicios que muchas veces se dan por hecho desde lo
urbano: la economía informal rural es más vulnerable que la urbana.
Significa, por un lado, la dificultad de contar con servicios de educación o
salud, por ejemplo, que se ubican a mayores distancias geográficas y con
dificultades para llegar hasta ellos (carreteras, telefonía...). Por otro lado,
ha significado una diferencia en la calidad de los servicios a los que se
tiene acceso. Esto tiene que ver con la efectividad de las políticas
universales de protección social. El país está pensado desde lo urbano,
ejemplo de esto es la reciente Ley de promoción de pequeñas y medianas
empresas, que en teoría ofrece un marco para la incubación de empresas
y condiciones de crédito y acompañamiento para desarrollarlas, pero
excluye a las pymes agrícolas. Igual, el crédito agrícola está catalogado
como de alto riesgo por la regulación bancaria, las instituciones
financieras tienen que destinarle provisiones mayores y pedir garantías
reales, para un pequeño productor es muy difícil accesarlo.
o Actualmente una persona campesina puede acceder a la seguridad social
con la CCSS ya sea como asegurado directo o a través de un convenio
establecido por una organización de productores. Sin embargo la CCSS
(5-7 años) prioriza la primera opción, lo que profundiza la vulnerabilidad
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pues la asociatividad aumenta la voz para exigir calidad y oportunidad de
los servicios, puede relacionarse con servicios adicionales que ofrezca la
organización (productivos y de capacitación por ejemplo), y genera mayor
estabilidad. Es necesario un sistema particular para lo rural y lo
campesino, que contemple flexibilidad en las fechas de contribución al
sistema (aportes semestrales o anuales acordes con cosechas),
cobertura de la totalidad de los servicios a personas dependientes (p.e.
odontología se proporciona solamente al asegurado directo, no a
dependientes), y que amarre del seguro de IVM (más caro y menos
“prioritario” en el corto plazo para la gente) con EM. Por ejemplo, un fondo
de pensiones a partir de una política diferenciada que permita la
contribución solidaria de otros sectores y del Estado para subsanar
características de inestabilidad y fragilidad de economía campesina.
o Este acceso diferencial a condiciones de seguridad social afecta
prioritariamente a las mujeres y a los niños y niñas. Más de la mitad de
las familias rurales están dirigidas por mujeres que parten de una
condición
de
mayor
vulnerabilidad,
además
de
tener
ingresos
proporcionalmente menores a los de los hombres desarrollan una serie de
trabajos de sostenimiento de la estructura familiar que son invisibilizados
(trabajo productivo y reproductivo), y tienen mayores dificultades de
acceder a mecanismos formales de protección e incluso a condiciones
productivas. Ejemplo de esto es que hasta hace poco el IDA no entregaba
parcelas a mujeres si no tenían un compañero o un hijo varón mayor de
14 años, o que la CCSS no permite la afiliación directa (seguro voluntario)
de mujeres si tienen un compañero que sea o haya sido cotizante
(prefiere que aparezcan como dependientes y no aseguradas directas).
Esto se contrapone con la particularidad de que son las mujeres
campesinas las que, como parte de su multiplicidad de ocupaciones, en
mayor medida han desarrollado y conservado el conocimiento sobre
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semillas, plantas medicinales, nutrición, y prácticas productivas orientadas
a la alimentación, un conocimiento que ha sido entendido como colectivo
y no ha estado orientado al comercio, y que ahora empieza a tener un
gran valor económico en el marco del libre mercado y la propiedad
intelectual.
o La política social es fundamental pero es insuficiente por sí sola para
resolver los problemas estructurales del campo, debe estar amarrada con
políticas económicas y productivas claras. Por ejemplo, se requieren
procesos formales de capacitación y formación orientados a dar valor
agregado a la producción primaria, que permitan superar la pobreza y las
prácticas de subsistencia sin desvincular a la persona de la tierra y la
agricultura.
o La promoción de la producción limpia social, ambiental y laboralmente es
una posibilidad. Bajo la lógica de la zanahoria y el garrote, hay que
fiscalizar el incumplimiento patronal de las garantías sociales, pero para
un pequeño productor que contrata trabajadores para su finca
ocasionalmente, éstas son efectivamente una carga difícil de sostener y
se le convierten en una desventaja competitiva (igual sucede con
mipymes urbanas, y en general las mipymes son la mayoría del sector
productivo nacional). Entonces, a la par del control deberían establecerse
mecanismos de incentivo y de apoyo para la producción laboral,
ambiental y socialmente limpia (la que vaya aumentando su nivel de
cumplimiento de garantías laborales y ambientales, y que implique una
distribución de la riqueza entre muchos pequeños propietarios-economía
social) que faciliten un cumplimiento paulatino de garantías sociales.
o “La pobreza no es un estado fijo para todas las personas. Y el concepto
trabajo debe ser desvinculado de la idea de empleo formal.” Esto es muy
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importante, la aspiración de sectores campesinos, en mucho cultural e
histórica por las características de su inserción en la producción, no es
aprender inglés o trabajar en una oficina, sino desarrollar sus propias
empresas que les permitan vivir decentemente. Entonces la protección
social no debería pensarse solamente vinculada al empleo sino al trabajo
(y a los distintos tipos de trabajo), esto claramente es más difícil pero
también es más real.
o “El compromiso estatal o la falta de él es una decisión de política, no algo
inevitable (aunque una elección que se hace con recursos limitados)” Esto
también es muy importante, tiene que ver con la capacidad/necesidad de
sectores informales de posicionarse como actores visibles y desarrollar
incidencia en las políticas públicas.
o Entendiendo el lenguaje como configurador de realidades, deberíamos
hablar de garantías sociales y no de cargas sociales, de seguridad social
y no de protección social.
Mesa Nacional Campesina
Eva Carazo Vargas
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II. Comentario de Juliana Martinez al Marco
Marco sobre Protección Social para
Trabajadores de la Economia Informal de Frances Lund
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III. Programa
PROTECCIÓN SOCIAL DE LAS PERSONAS DEL SECTOR INFORMAL
Programa de trabajo; 19 de agosto, 9 am a 3 pm
9:00 Bienvenida
9:15 a 11 am // Sesión 1: El enfoque de WIEGO sobre protección social de personas
trabajadoras de la economía informal
9:15 El marco conceptual de WIEGO; Frances Lund - Directora de Protección
Social, WIEGO
10:00 Comentarios al marco conceptual (máximo de 15 minutos cada uno)
- Dra. Juliana Martínez, Fundación Acceso; investigadora en temas
de seguridad social
- Lic. Eva Carazo, Mesa Nacional Campesina; participación en
procesos de organización de personas del sector informal en medio
rural
- Lic. Jorge Coto, Sindicato de Trabajadores del Estado (SITECO) y
participación en procesos de creación de organización sindical entre
personas del sector informal en medio urbano
10:30 Debate general
11:00 Refrigerio
11:15 a 1 pm // Sesión 2: Mapa de la investigación y acción en Costa
Rica
Las personas participantes bosquejan el mapa considerando los 9
puntos del anexo al Marco y señalan los principales vacíos que existen.
En cada área (10 minutos por cada una) las interrogantes a responder
son:
• ¿Cuán importante es en Costa Rica?
• ¿Qué preguntas del marco son irrelevantes y cuáles otras deben
incorporarse?
• ¿Quién está trabajando el tema y dónde?
1:00 a 2:00 Almuerzo (en Fundación Acceso)
2:00 a 3:00 pm // Sesión 3: Nuevas iniciativas en Costa Rica
Los participantes discuten sobre los desarrollos conceptuales o las
experiencias recientes de protección social a los trabajadores
informales en Costa Rica. ¿Existen experiencias o enfoques
promisorios? ¿Cuáles son sus fortalezas y debilidades? ¿Qué agentes
pueden impulsar su desarrollo?
// Sesión 4: Hacia la construcción de una red
Diálogo sobre las opciones para conformar una red de trabajo con
WIEGO en Costa Rica.
3 pm Finalización de la actividad y refrigerio